But it raises the question of how such an alternative leader might build a constituency of support in the country that would prevent its

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But it raises the question of how such an alternative leader might build a constituency of support in the country that would prevent its slipping into anarchy.Rather late in the day, the governments of the United States and of Britain seem to have turned their mind to the conditions required to undermine Saddam's internal position - and if support for Iraqi opposition groups strengthens the chances of an attempt on Saddam's life, few would mourn But the likelihood is that there is no short cut. Even if it could be argued that the rule of law will be flouted as long as Saddam is in power, there can be no consensus that the death penalty is called for. There are more pragmatic considerations. If Saddam were toppled, who would succeed him? It is a reasonable assumption that whoever it was would not be quite so pitiless towards either the peoples of Iraq or their neighbours. But the United Nations is simply trying to force Iraq's compliance with international law on weapons of mass destruction. In pursuing this objective, the use of force must be limited. If Britain were engaged in a war of national survival with Iraq, as we were with Adolf Hitler, the argument would be different.

That is correct, although the state which murdered a Greenpeace activist on Rainbow Warrior is in no position to say so. Those who hanker after a return to a pre-Thatcherite age of economic innocence are bound to face disappointment. Mr Blair's encouragement of robust action by employers against unofficial strike action on the time-tied Jubilee line was highly symbolic.Many of Keynes's teachings are now part of the mainstream. Even Japan is resorting to printing money - or coupons anyway - to try to stimulate demand. But the idea that European economies are in such a state that unemployment can only be tackled by more public spending and borrowing is premature, to say the least.The arguments over the European Central Bank are going to go on, but let no one be fooled into thinking that this is a form of socialism reasserting itself..

IT IS now widely assumed that the object of western policy in Iraq is the removal of Saddam Hussein - a polite way of saying killing him, because it is hard to see how he might be dislodged otherwise But it is not stated explicitly, and that is just as well. The French government argues, in a high moral tone, that assassination should not be a tool of foreign policy. He has also expressed sensible doubts about the bank's inflation target, warning of the danger that erring on the side of caution within a 0-2 per cent range will produce falling prices and unemployment.But this is a far cry from the demand that the bank should also be set targets for growth and employment: it cannot hit two (or three) targets at once, and in any case, low inflation is a precondition of the other two.The harsh truth is that there is no substantial alternative economic policy which could be pursued, rather a technical debate in which different people will line up on different sides at different times. The division is more between politicians and bankers.Gordon Brown is a strong believer in openness, wanting the European Bank to publish the minutes of its discussions and explain itself to the people of Europe through their elected governments.